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This article, which is based on research funded by the Nuffield Foundation, examines the responses of higher education institutions (HEIs) to the recent reform of advanced level qualifications in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, known as Curriculum 2000. The research, undertaken in late 2002 and early 2003 following the ‘graduation’ of the first cohort of Curriculum 2000 learners, combined documentary analysis, use of national survey findings and interviews with a sample of university admissions tutors from new (post-1992) and old (pre-1992) universities in England. The research shows that HEIs were generally well-informed about most aspects of the advanced level reforms and, at the level of public statements, welcomed the possibility of a broader advanced level curriculum. However, this relatively positive approach was not reproduced in terms of offer-making to candidates: admissions tutors, particularly in the pre-1992 universities, continued to make offers largely on the basis of predicted grades in three main A Levels. We argue that the reason for this cautious approach by the HEIs was not simply a result of their traditional support for subject specialisation, but also stemmed from systemic problems related to the Curriculum 2000 qualifications, their voluntarism and their less than universal up-take by schools, colleges and learners. We conclude by looking briefly at the implications of these research findings for the future reform of 14-19 curriculum and qualifications in England.

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This chapter looks back over the past two decades, which include successive Labour Governments in Westminster and parliamentary devolution in Scotland, Wales and latterly in Northern Ireland. This was a period of considerable change in which post-compulsory education, skills and lifelong learning remained a high-profile policy area across all the countries of the UK because of its association with competitiveness in an increasingly globalised world economy and its role in supporting social inclusion (e.g. Leitch, 2006; DEL, 2010), civic participation (e.g. Webb Review, 2007) and the development of a fairer society (The Scottish Government, 2007). Reflecting on the period since 1999 and parliamentary devolution in Scotland and Wales, we discuss underlying trends influencing convergence and divergence of post-compulsory education and lifelong learning between the four countries of the UK. It then briefly examines the emerging policy framework from the new UK Coalition Government elected in May 2010 and its potential implications. The final part of the chapter, outlines three scenarios to explore two key questions: (1) From an assessment of the early messages emerging from the new UK Coalition Government, what is the likely direction of policy for post-compulsory education and lifelong learning?; (2) Will the process of divergence identified in earlier chapters of the book increase as a result of UK-wide economic pressures? We conclude by suggesting that what started out in the book as a discussion about convergence or divergence of policy in post-compulsory education and lifelong learning may become part of a much wider debate about the future of the UK state as a political entity.

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This chapter introduces the book, 'Post-compulsory education and lifelong learning across the United Kingdom: policy, organisation and governance'. The authors suggest that much writing on education focuses on schools. This book explores what is happening beyond schooling and discusses what is often referred to in the international literature as lifelong learning (e.g. Tuijnman and Schuller, 1998). The importance of extending initial education and training for young people, as well as ensuring that adults have access to learning across the life course, has become increasingly recognized by national governments as they grapple with the challenges of globalisation, technological change and, more recently, a widespread recession. The way that lifelong learning is funded, organized and governed is a hotly debated topic internationally since these matters can have a profound influence on wider political objectives, such as increasing access to opportunities, greater equity and improving quality of life. As the title suggests, this book looks at how post-compulsory education - education and training beyond the age of 16 but excluding higher education - is organized within the United Kingdom (UK), with a particular focus on England, Scotland and Wales.

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